05/09/2002
Camp David
Following the disastrous 1973 Yom Kippur War, Egyptian President Anwar el-Sadat sought to retain the leadership of the Arab world, as well as drive a wedge between Israel and its friends. As Henry Kissinger notes in his book “Diplomacy,” Sadat’s “original motive (in pursuing) rapprochement with Israel was almost certainly to undermine the West’s image of Arab bellicosity and to place Israel on the psychological defensive.” As we’ll soon find out, what would turn out to be Sadat’s heroic role as peacemaker at Camp David would backfire, and therein may lie a lesson for today.
In the wake of the ’73 war, Kissinger, then U.S. secretary of state, embarked on his famous shuttle diplomacy, becoming known as “Henry the Navigator” in the Middle East. Israel, which had captured the Sinai, disengaged in January 1974 and Kissinger was able to finally work out a similar deal between Israel and Syria for the captured Golan Heights in May of that year, but not before Kissinger had to log an incredible 130 hours of face-to-face discussions with Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, in just one month, going through Damascus Airport 26 times. As a result of Kissinger’s efforts, the Arabs also lifted the oil embargo during this period.
But after 1974, the Arab world felt that Sadat was ignoring the plight of Syria and the Palestinians and the other Arab nations began to cut back on their own aid to Egypt. The economy tanked, culminating in bread riots in 1977 that left over 70 dead. Of course there is no democracy in the Middle East, save for Israel, so autocrats like Sadat can hang on if they have a strong security apparatus, and Anwar held power during these tough times.
Meanwhile, in January 1977 Jimmy Carter was inaugurated as President of the United States. Carter, an evangelical Christian, had an intense interest in the Holy Land. As Harold Evans describes in his book “The American Century,” by April of ’77 Carter was enmeshed in the region, writing after meeting Sadat for the first time, “a shining light burst on the Middle East for me.” Carter, similar to the reactions of George W. Bush today when he meets certain leaders, formed a spiritual rapport with the Egyptian president. He later had the same thoughts concerning Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin.
Begin had won election in 1977. A Polish Jew, preoccupied with the Holocaust and former commander of a guerrilla army against the British, Begin denounced the PLO as “the Arab S.S.” He labeled the land for peace strategy of his predecessor, Yitzhak Rabin, “madness.” [Rabin would return to office in 1992, only to be assassinated by an Israeli extremist in 1995 after reaching the 1993 accord with the PLO.]
Begin insisted that Israel should include all the lands of the old Palestinian mandate, including the biblical ones of Judaea and Samaria. But over time, world opinion forced him to amend his positions and he was soon advocating limited Palestinian autonomy under Israeli sovereignty.
Prospects for real peace in the region seemed small, however, until November 9, 1977 when President Sadat announced he was taking up Begin’s offer to address the Israeli Parliament, and so it was that ten days later Sadat arrived to massive worldwide media coverage, having fulfilled his wish to go “to the ends of the earth” for peace.
Both sides played to the media during Sadat’s incredible two days in Israel, with Sadat logging some 100 interviews over the ensuing week, prompting Golda Meir to say later, “Never mind the Nobel Peace Prize, give them both Oscars.” [David Reynolds]
It was an incredibly bold act, furthered when Sadat said he was willing to recognize the legitimacy of the Israeli state, which then opened up opportunities for Carter.
But, and there are always lots of “buts” when it comes to the Middle East, Begin didn’t totally give in and accelerated his settlements of both Gaza and the West Bank.
Nonetheless, with Carter having been granted his window of opportunity, he invited Sadat and Begin to Camp David in September 1978. [Talks began on September 4.] Carter also invited Jordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia and the Palestinians to participate but they turned it down. The Arab world was vehemently against Egypt’s new feeling of friendship with Israel. [Fast-forward 20+ years and draw your own conclusions.]
Security for the Camp David talks was extra tight, with Carter imposing a news blackout and demanding secrecy from both sides. As Harold Evans notes, Carter needn’t have worried, since both leaders thought the president was bugging their phones (Carter wasn’t). It was a rough 13 days, with Sadat threatening to go home twice. To break the ice, Carter took the two to Gettysburg one day. [A great idea.] Finally, an agreement in two parts was reached on September 17. Part One would have Israel withdraw all of its settlers from the Sinai (which was eventually accomplished in 1982), while Part Two called for Israel to negotiate with Sadat to resolve the Palestinian refugee dilemma, something which unraveled right after the summit.
Camp David was actually breaking down on the Sinai issue even in the spring of ’79, however, forcing Carter to go to both Egypt and Israel himself that March and finally on March 26, 1979 the Camp David Accords were formally signed back in Washington.
Let me be clear about one thing, since I have always been highly critical of President Carter. There is no doubt that Camp David was an heroic effort on his part, but the bottom line is years later it accomplished little.
Right after the signing, Menachem Begin made clear his refusal to block new Israeli settlements on the West Bank, which Sadat had viewed as a homeland for Palestinians, while as a result of the treaty, Sadat himself was condemned as a traitor to the Islamic cause. Arab states severed relations with Egypt, as inside the country, groups like the Muslim Brotherhood and a new underground outfit, Islamic Jihad, emerged to battle Sadat’s government. In the case of Islamic Jihad, it was committed to the overthrow of Sadat and the imposition of an Islamic regime, launching a guerrilla war, which culminated in Sadat’s assassination in 1981.
As historian David Reynolds sums it up, Camp David not only didn’t bring peace to the Middle East, “If anything, it made the Palestinian problem even harder to resolve.”
[One side note: According to the Soviet ambassador to the United States at the time, Anatoly Dobrynin, Carter was to involve Moscow, but Israel objected vociferously, leading, in turn, to a vigorous protest by Leonid Brezhnev for the exclusion of the Soviet Union from the peace process. Dobrynin writes in his book “In Confidence,” “I believe it was one of the missed opportunities for joint action during the Carter administration, and it grew out of American domestic controversies and the inconsistency of the administration itself.” For his part, Carter was to later complain during the 1980 presidential campaign that the American Jewish community didn’t appreciate his service to Israel in promoting Camp David.]
Sources:
“In Confidence,” Anatoly Dobrynin “Diplomacy,” Henry Kissinger “The American Century,” Harold Evans “20th Century,” J.M. Roberts “One World Divisible,” David Reynolds “History of the Twentieth Century,” Martin Gilbert “The Oxford History of Islam,” edited by John L. Esposito “America: A Narrative History,” George Brown Tindall and David E. Shi
Next Hott Spotts Thursday.
Brian Trumbore
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