04/25/2002
October 6, 1973
The following was written on 1/27/00 for Hott Spotts, but in light of recent events bears repeating. It is also a prelude to a lengthier discussion of Camp David and the role that Egyptian President Anwar Sadat played. I have made some slight changes to the original piece.
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As a result of the Six-Day War that Israel fought in 1967 with Egypt, Syria and Jordan, Israel captured the Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank and the Golan Heights. Following this conflict, the Soviet Union went about rearming Egypt and Syria, while in Egypt, Anwar Sadat succeeded Arab world leader Gamel Abdel Nasser as president upon Nasser’s death in 1970.
Sadat immediately set about holding Israel to the provisions of UN Security Council Resolution No. 242, signed after the Six- Day War, which stipulated that Israel was to return the territories captured by it in the conflict. When Israel balked, Sadat proceeded to initiate one crisis after another along the Suez Canal. Still in 1970, at one point Israeli bombers operated deep inside Egyptian territory, the result being that the Soviets then installed a major air-defense system for their Egyptian friends, along with some 15,000 military personnel.
That same year, Jordan’s King Hussein ordered his army to attack the PLO (which had started a civil war in Jordan), Syria then invaded Jordan, and Israel mobilized. Of course the U.S. and the Soviet Union didn’t exactly just stand by and the world was once again on the brink of major war, before cooler heads prevailed, Syria withdrew and the crisis ended.
In 1972 Sadat, seeking to become more of an independent force, dismissed his Soviet advisers and asked all Russian technicians to leave the country as well.
While all this was going on, however, the U.S. and the Soviet Union were in the midst of d tente, as President Nixon and Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev counted the Middle East among their various policy goals. For his part, Nixon, along with his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, sought to reduce the role of the Soviets in the region, while Moscow’s objective was, in the words of Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin, “to win back Arab confidence, prevent their military rout, and to bank on our hopes that the new collaborative relationship with the Nixon administration would allow us to share in the peace process.”
Over the course of 1973, Dobrynin, as Soviet ambassador to the U.S., repeatedly warned the U.S. that Moscow suspected a new war may be on the horizon. The American assessment was dominated by the belief in Israel’s military superiority and that all the warnings could be dismissed as a bluff.
So it was that both Israel and the U.S. were taken completely by surprise when on October 6, 1973, Egypt and Syria launched a massive, Pearl Harbor-type attack on the Holy Day of Yom Kippur.
At the outset, Israel was in dire straits. A meager force of 180 tanks faced an onslaught of 1,400 Syrian tanks in the Golan Heights region, while in the Suez, just 500 Israeli defenders were attacked by 80,000 Egyptians. It’s not hard to understand why Israel suffered a devastating initial blow, losing a 5th of its air force and a third of the tanks in the first 4 days of battle, before a massive call-up of reserves helped to slow the advancing Egyptian and Syrian armies.
[Now that we are all far more aware of the territory involved after the events of the past 18 months, it really is amazing Israel survived.]
After the war broke out, the Soviets pushed for Israel to withdraw from all lands taken in 1967, while Washington opposed any Israeli capitulation. The Soviets began to re-supply the Egyptian and Syrian forces (who were also aided by troops from at least 9 other Arab nations), as Washington debated how much the U.S. would aid Israel. Some in the Nixon administration felt that aid to Israel would do irreparable harm to our relations with oil-rich Arab nations. Nixon held fast and approved a massive airlift of some 550 flights and 1,000 tons of military supplies a day, far bigger than the Berlin airlift of 1948- 49. [All this while our European “allies” in NATO would not let our planes use their airspace, so we shouldn’t be surprised at European reaction today to the current conflict.] Historian Paul Johnson calls it “Nixon’s finest hour.” Without the support, the fate of the state of Israel was in serious doubt.
Of course Nixon had a lot on his mind back then. Watergate was preoccupying him in a big way, so, as a result, Henry Kissinger took center stage.
As the war raged, the UN was frantically trying to end it, while Washington and Moscow were at odds. On October 12, Kissinger informed the Kremlin that the U.S. would not send troops to the Middle East unless the Soviets did likewise. Then on October 17, with Israel now prepared for its massive counterattack, President Sadat of Egypt turned down a cease-fire proposal, a move that Ambassador Dobrynin later characterized as “a gross political and strategic blunder.”
Throughout the crisis, the hotline between Washington and Moscow was burning up, while Kissinger and Dobrynin kept in constant touch. On October 20, Nixon agreed with Brezhnev that the two great powers “must step in, determine the proper course of action to a just settlement, and then bring the necessary pressure on our respective friends for a settlement which will at last bring peace to this troubled area.” At least this is the note that Nixon wanted Kissinger to deliver to Brezhnev. But Kissinger didn’t, thinking it would undercut his own diplomatic efforts.
Israeli troops now advanced and were close to outflanking the Egyptian Third Army in the Sinai. This was the time of the “Saturday Night Massacre” back in Washington, when Nixon fired the attorney general and lesser officials from the Department of Justice for refusing to dismiss Archibald Cox, the Watergate special prosecutor. But as a cease-fire resolution drew near, Kissinger stalled to allow Israel to encircle the Egyptian forces.
Finally, on October 22, the Security Council adopted Resolution 338, declaring a cease-fire. [242 and 338 are the same resolutions you hear so much about today.] Fighting in the Golan subsided but after just a few hours, the agreement collapsed as the Israelis advanced to the Suez Canal in an attempt to crush the 25,000 Egyptian forces still on the eastern side of the canal. Both sides claimed the other resumed the shooting.
[About this time, Sadat told Brezhnev that Israel was marching on Cairo. Help us save Egypt, he exclaimed. But it turned out that 3 or 4 Israeli tanks were simply on a reconnaissance mission.]
On October 23, a new cease-fire resolution called on both sides to return to their initial positions and provided for UN observers. But on the 24th, fighting erupted once again in the Suez. At this point some in the Politboro argued for Soviet troop involvement but Brezhnev said no. A message was sent to Nixon, however, hinting of Soviet participation.
In the early hours of the 25th, Kissinger gathered a small group of administration officials (while the President slept) and put American nuclear forces on a heightened state of alert. It was a ploy. At the same time broadcast reports in the U.S. said Soviet aircraft were moving closer to the region. Dobrynin argued with Kissinger that the U.S. government was trying to create the impression of a dangerous crisis. Kissinger countered that the order would be withdrawn the next day (and it was).
Later on the 25th, the UN Security Council adopted still another resolution that finally put an end to the war by sending a UN peacekeeping force to the Middle East, pointedly excluding contingents from any of the 5 permanent members of the Security Council. According to Dobrynin, Kissinger later conceded to him that putting the forces on a high state of alert was a mistake and, contrary to most stories told today, there never was a serious threat of direct military involvement between the two super-powers.
During the course of the three-week war, a new Arab organization by the name of OPEC began wreaking its own havoc, initiating an oil-embargo on nations supporting Israel and raising prices some 400 percent. In the end, though, America’s ties with Egypt and Sadat were strengthened, some would say at the expense of Israel. Kissinger launched his “shuttle diplomacy” and quickly became a hero in Arab capitals as well as Jerusalem. While the process failed to produce a comprehensive formula for peace, it did set the stage for Camp David, the story of which we will pick up next time.
[Note: The human cost of the Yom Kippur War was substantial, with Israel losing 2,700 soldiers, Syria 3,500 and Egypt about 15,000.]
Sources:
“A History of the Arab Peoples,” Albert Hourani “In Confidence,” Anatoly Dobrynin “A History of the American People,” Paul Johnson “Diplomacy,” Henry Kissinger “The American Century,” Harold Evans
**Hott Spotts will return on May 9.
Brian Trumbore
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