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05/06/2004

Hong Kong's Struggle

As I was in Hong Kong the last week in April, during a rather
tumultuous period it turned out, I thought I’d give you a sense of
the issues faced by the democracy movement there as it attempts
to navigate the roadblocks Beijing keeps putting up. I have a
tremendous amount of respect for the author below.

---

From Martin Lee, a member of Hong Kong’s Legislative Council
(Legco).

It goes without saying that a person can do whatever he likes
with his property. If you own a pearl, you can wear it, so that
your friends will admire it, or you can throw it to the pigs.

Hong Kong is the pearl; and China owns it. There can be no
doubt that Beijing can do whatever it likes with the special
administrative region, and the 6.8 million peace-loving people
who live here.

China negotiated with Britain for the return of that pearl in the
1980s, culminating in the Sino-British Joint Declaration; and the
whole world applauded.

On April 6, the Standing Committee of the National People’s
Congress, in its interpretation of the Basic Law, unilaterally gave
itself the right to determine whether Hong Kong should
democratically elect its chief executive in 2007 and the entire
legislature in 2008, both of which are permitted by the Basic
Law and have the overwhelming support of the people of Hong
Kong. On Monday, the Standing Committee decided that Hong
Kong must not hold democratic elections in 2007 or 2008,
without saying when they should be held.

Neither the interpretation, nor Monday’s decision by the
Standing Committee was necessary. The relevant provisions of
the Basic Law would already have been sufficient to deny
democracy to Hong Kong, if Beijing so wished.

After all, any bill to amend the present electoral laws can only be
initiated by the government; and Chief Executive Tung Chee-
hwa would never dream of introducing any change to the
electoral laws without Beijing’s express approval.

What, then, was the reason for such an interpretation and
decision? The answer is twofold. First, the leaders of the
Communist Party do not want to lose control of the Legislative
Council in the September election. Second, they could no longer
tolerate dissent, which is part and parcel of the freedom of
expression enjoyed by, and guaranteed to, the people of Hong
Kong by both the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law.

After the Tiananmen massacre on June 4, 1989, the leaders in
Beijing adopted a hardline policy on Hong Kong. But they also
saw the strong aspirations for democracy in Hong Kong.

The Basic Law, which was promulgated exactly 10 months after
Tiananmen, on April 4, 1990, allows the people of Hong Kong to
have democracy 10 years after the handover.

No doubt, this was because Beijing thought that after 10 years of
Chinese rule, the pro-Beijing political parties would have gained
the support of the people.

And that might have happened, but for the six years of
maladministration under Mr. Tung, including, in particular, the
mishandling of the Article 23 legislation, which led to the
massive demonstration on July 1 last year.

Unfortunately, Beijing still did not get the message, namely, that
the hardline policy adopted on Hong Kong since Tiananmen did
not work, and would never work.

The correct thing to do now is to abandon that hardline policy.
The people of Hong Kong have learned to trust President Hu
Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao. Clearly, they should learn to
trust the people of Hong Kong.

They should have realized by now that a democratically elected
chief executive and Legco will not lead to the independence of
Hong Kong, because no one has asked for it.

But perhaps even more importantly, they should realize that
Beijing’s direct intervention in Hong Kong’s internal affairs will
be seen by the world as a most blatant breach of the Joint
Declaration, and the core promise of “one country, two systems,”
“Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong,” and “with a high degree
of autonomy.”

We, the people of Hong Kong, must defend the policy of “one
country, two systems,” and hold Beijing to it. So, too, must the
international community.

[Source: South China Morning Post]

Hott Spotts will return May 13.

Brian Trumbore


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-05/06/2004-      
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Hot Spots

05/06/2004

Hong Kong's Struggle

As I was in Hong Kong the last week in April, during a rather
tumultuous period it turned out, I thought I’d give you a sense of
the issues faced by the democracy movement there as it attempts
to navigate the roadblocks Beijing keeps putting up. I have a
tremendous amount of respect for the author below.

---

From Martin Lee, a member of Hong Kong’s Legislative Council
(Legco).

It goes without saying that a person can do whatever he likes
with his property. If you own a pearl, you can wear it, so that
your friends will admire it, or you can throw it to the pigs.

Hong Kong is the pearl; and China owns it. There can be no
doubt that Beijing can do whatever it likes with the special
administrative region, and the 6.8 million peace-loving people
who live here.

China negotiated with Britain for the return of that pearl in the
1980s, culminating in the Sino-British Joint Declaration; and the
whole world applauded.

On April 6, the Standing Committee of the National People’s
Congress, in its interpretation of the Basic Law, unilaterally gave
itself the right to determine whether Hong Kong should
democratically elect its chief executive in 2007 and the entire
legislature in 2008, both of which are permitted by the Basic
Law and have the overwhelming support of the people of Hong
Kong. On Monday, the Standing Committee decided that Hong
Kong must not hold democratic elections in 2007 or 2008,
without saying when they should be held.

Neither the interpretation, nor Monday’s decision by the
Standing Committee was necessary. The relevant provisions of
the Basic Law would already have been sufficient to deny
democracy to Hong Kong, if Beijing so wished.

After all, any bill to amend the present electoral laws can only be
initiated by the government; and Chief Executive Tung Chee-
hwa would never dream of introducing any change to the
electoral laws without Beijing’s express approval.

What, then, was the reason for such an interpretation and
decision? The answer is twofold. First, the leaders of the
Communist Party do not want to lose control of the Legislative
Council in the September election. Second, they could no longer
tolerate dissent, which is part and parcel of the freedom of
expression enjoyed by, and guaranteed to, the people of Hong
Kong by both the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law.

After the Tiananmen massacre on June 4, 1989, the leaders in
Beijing adopted a hardline policy on Hong Kong. But they also
saw the strong aspirations for democracy in Hong Kong.

The Basic Law, which was promulgated exactly 10 months after
Tiananmen, on April 4, 1990, allows the people of Hong Kong to
have democracy 10 years after the handover.

No doubt, this was because Beijing thought that after 10 years of
Chinese rule, the pro-Beijing political parties would have gained
the support of the people.

And that might have happened, but for the six years of
maladministration under Mr. Tung, including, in particular, the
mishandling of the Article 23 legislation, which led to the
massive demonstration on July 1 last year.

Unfortunately, Beijing still did not get the message, namely, that
the hardline policy adopted on Hong Kong since Tiananmen did
not work, and would never work.

The correct thing to do now is to abandon that hardline policy.
The people of Hong Kong have learned to trust President Hu
Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao. Clearly, they should learn to
trust the people of Hong Kong.

They should have realized by now that a democratically elected
chief executive and Legco will not lead to the independence of
Hong Kong, because no one has asked for it.

But perhaps even more importantly, they should realize that
Beijing’s direct intervention in Hong Kong’s internal affairs will
be seen by the world as a most blatant breach of the Joint
Declaration, and the core promise of “one country, two systems,”
“Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong,” and “with a high degree
of autonomy.”

We, the people of Hong Kong, must defend the policy of “one
country, two systems,” and hold Beijing to it. So, too, must the
international community.

[Source: South China Morning Post]

Hott Spotts will return May 13.

Brian Trumbore